This is the story of the Chain Breaking Man of Zambia, and the monument.
Chapter 1
Across from the monument, on Cairo Road, there is a tree called Zanco’s Tree, in whose branches one morning, a mighty man lay, crying.
We are told that the man was “dropped off” on the road, presumably from an automobile, at 3:00 in the morning. It seems he had just learned that his twin brother, Arnold, had been killed in a political demonstration. One account says he had been shot, another, that he was beaten to death; whether our man knew which, we’re not told.
3 am is a quiet hour; and he climbed a tree, which is a thing children do, reaching up his hand to grasp where his brother’s would’ve been, helping him climb higher, and they’d climb into secret places, hidden among the leaves, where they’d pretend they were eagles soaring above the world below, above the soldiers below, and the rich people and their cars, and they’d talk about all the things they would do, and so they played, and so they dreamed, and so they prepared. And he slept, and he dreamed; and, his eyelids opening dreamily as he dreamed, the images of the early morning people on the pavement below entered his eyes and mingled in his dreams. And he saw them, like shadows of themselves, busily going from someplace they didn’t want to be to someplace they didn’t want to go, like moons held in orbit by a big planet, their courses controlled by forces they couldn’t see; worries, debts, fears, thinking mostly about what they should do, what they were told they were supposed to do, almost never about what they would do, because of the pain, nor, what they could be, what they could be, quite lost to them through long habits of forgetfulness, indoctrinations to reject such things as the silliness of childhood dreams. And as the earth turned towards the sun, the first gleam of the early morning soared over the mountaintops and through the skies and between the leaves and into his eye, and he blinked, and woke, and sat upright in his nest. And he remembered the meeting and why he was there. And he called out to the people below: “This is the voice of freedom talking to you.”
“Do not listen to the colonizers, do not listen to the settlers”, he called out to the people below. “Do not vote for their constitution, for it is not freedom.” And some of the people stopped and listened, and others hurried away. And now he laughed and cried for he no longer cared for the lesser things as he had before, and he sang out to the long shadowed passersby below, “for freedom you were born and free you shall live.” “Down with the colonizer’s constitution, long live independence and freedom.”
And in the distance, there appeared uniforms, and they began to assemble, and another uniform arrived and, exiting a vehicle, barked at them and pointed at him; and they began to approach Zanco’s tree. And the people that had paused to listen backed away as the uniforms approach and Zanco laughed aloud and shouted the louder “Long live Zambia! Zambia, Zambia, Zambia, independent and free, all her people self governed and free forever.”
And the uniform in front shouted and said, “Be quiet.” And he said “Why should I be quiet.” “Because I tell you to be quiet. Can you not see my uniform?” And they pointed the guns at him, and he said, “Will send me to be with my brother? I should thank you!” “Be quiet!” they shouted, and, “come down now or we will shoot you.” And he thought, it would be good to be with my brother, but, to remain and help our people is better, so, whispering “I must go”, he thanked the tree and climbed down. And they shoved him and they poked him with their guns and strutted as if saying, “we are officials of the system; and, we have power and you do not.” And they arrested him and they shackled him and put him into the car and drove off. But the tree remained.
Chapter 2
Mpundi was the younger brother, who would later be called Zanco, and Arnold was the older; they were born twins in 1936 in Mbala in the land called Northern Rhodesia by the colonizers. It is said that Cecil Rhodes suggested the name Zambesia, after the great river Zambezi which bisected the land from West to East; but, as the settlements grew, the Settlers preferred, and the Press popularized, the name “Rhodesia”, after, of course, the name Rhodes. As they organized to exploit the land, the area north of the river became Northern Rhodesia while the land south of the river was called Southern Rhodesia. In the people’s tongue, “Zambezi”, meant, the heart of it all”. And upon that river is a great waterfall, known by the people as “the place of the rainbows” and “the smoke which thunders”. It is considered one of the seven natural wonders of the world. But instead, the colonizers called it Victoria Falls.
Chapter 3
When the British discovered the mineral wealth of the land in the late 1800s, they became the colonizers of the people; when they instituted the Hut Tax in the early 1900s, they became their landlords; and when they had to get jobs to get the money to pay that tax, they became their bosses; and when, in 1914, Britain got into war with Germany, they became their conscripters. Historians tell us that two million Africans were conscripted in the first World War, many of them from the Rhodesian area; and it was this conscription that finally drove the neighboring Nyasaland uprising of 1915 by John Chilembwe, saying, ”In time of peace everything for Europeans only. … But in time of war, … we shed our blood in equality.”
The materiel of European style war was burdensome; there were guns and tents and medical supplies; and it had to be transported; and 1914 Northern Rhodesia had few roads and less rail. And so the people were conscripted to bear the burden of the British, which they did on their backs and on their heads, and, for the most part, bare footed, at the rate of about 6 burden bearers per soldier.
The British Government called them the Carrier Corps; but the people called them mtenga tenga, in Swahili meaning, not just “hold”, but “hold on”, and “hold on tight”, reminiscent of one “Hodor”, a character in a contemporary drama, loyal sincere suffering and traumatized. It is estimated that 40% of the males were in service and that 10% died in the field where they remained. The others returned home with wounds in body and mind to children and wives that had gone on for months or years without them, and to tribes that had been weakened without them.
The timeline suggests that Mr. Mutembo, the father of Arnold and Mpundi, may have been among the mtenga tenga returning from war.
Chapter 4
Rich belts of copper had been discovered in Northern Rhodesia in the early 1900s and technological advances had made copper indispensable to modern states. A WW1 era industry journal stated that it was becoming “almost impossible to kill a man in an up-to-date and scientific way without using copper.”
In the 1920s, great works of mining infrastructure began to appear in the land and the mines became hungry for laborers. The people came because they needed the job to get the money to pay the taxes; and the mines began to compete with one another for the laborers, offering better wages and better working conditions.
Then came the 1930s and the great Depression and in one year copper prices fell 75% on the world market. Major mines closed and the people were left looking through the gates without jobs. A few years later, when prices rose and the mines reopened, the people swarmed the mines desperate for the jobs and the managers discovered they had an upper hand and wages no longer rose with profits; and safety and amenities lapsed.
In the Summer of 1935 the taxes were doubled, in some places retroactive to the first of the year, and the people were astonished and some refused to go to work. When others heard, they too refused to work, and one mine had to shut down, and then others heard and they too refused to work and soon three of the four main mines had stopped production because there were no laborers. And there were confrontations at the mine and six people were shot. The business managers whose profits depended on production were shocked, and the government whose military depended on copper was shocked, and they took action and they made concessions to the people and the laborers returned and the mines reopened. And the people saw the response of those in power. And the people whose historic tribal structures had been weakened through colonization, realized a basis for unity in the commonality of their sufferings.
Historians are in general agreement that it was about this time that a new national consciousness began to emerge in Northern Rhodesia. And it was about this time that Mrs. Mutembo realized she was carrying twins. And when the time was come, their firstborn they named Arnold, and right after, as though stitched together, came his brother whom they named Mpundi, twins, one of whom would become the symbol of a new nation.
Chapter 5
Though traditions vary, the naming of children is a sacred joy throughout the world. In some African cultures, names are sometimes selected from some strong emotion or event experienced at birth, such as Tuesday, or Happiness, as well as from some beloved relation or heroic figure.
The name “Arnold” seems to be among neither the family relation nor religious heroes of the Mutembos. The name is, in fact, of Germanic origin, which happens to have been the recent adversary of their British colonizer. The word itself is a conjunction of two words, the one meaning “eagle”, the other signifying brightness or powerfulness. And so, it appears, this event of the birth of their sons brought forth the strong emotion symbolized by the emergence of the eagle soaring above all adversaries in the brightness of the sun, powerful and free. So were their aspirations for their son, their sons, and their people. Thus seen, the naming of Arnold was a prayer. The name “Mpundi” signifies “twin”.
Chapter 6
And then, it was 1954, and, like old people say, it had gone by so fast; the boys were men. Like most 18 year olds, their memories were a kaleidoscope of impressions and inspirations. There was, perhaps, the discovery of anxiety when they were about four years old, and they overheard their parents talking about another labor strike at the Copper Mine and the fear of violence. There was the delicious experience of empathy as the 7 year olds accompanied their mama with food and blankets for the white refugees at the World War 2 camp established in their hometown. There was the jubilant camaraderie dancing in the streets with people hardly known except for shared hardships when they were nine, and the news came that WW2 was over. And when they were thirteen there came a deepening consciousness of the size and sufferings of the world as they learned of the anti-colonial sentiment sweeping the globe. And when they were 15 years old, and their father talked to them about the legal system of apartness that had been adopted in South Africa by vote, and was desired in Southern Rhodesia and could threaten their home in Northern Rhodesia, they learned seriousness. And when, in 1953, the British, despite much opposition, joined Southern Rhodesia together with Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland into something they called the Central African Federation, their father simply looked at them and the boys understood. And they felt that feeling of responsibility for their people. Their’s was a past which formed them, a family which nurtured them, and a future which called them.
And then it was 1954 and they became 18 years old, young and strong and beautiful. And their father’s eyes began to dim, and he heard the call of his ancestors. And when it was time, he was ready, and went to join his ancestors, and they were ready, and dropping out of school, went to join the independence movement.
Chapter 7
The first African political party in Northern Rhodesia emerged out of the Copper Mine Strikes of the 1930s and ‘40s and was called the NRC, the Northern Rhodesia Congress. By the early ‘50s it had been renamed the NRANC, the Northern Rhodesian African National Congress, and been joined by Kenneth Kaunda, a school teacher, who would later become the first president of the country. By 1953 Kaunda had become the Secretary General of the party when its immediate mission was the organization of resistance to Great Britain’s plan to combine Northern Rhodesia, together with Southern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, into a single entity which they would call the CAF, the Central African Federation. This “amalgamation”, as they called it, was advantageous to Britain for administrative and geopolitical reasons in an era of escalating cold war politics. It had the added advantage of opening up economic opportunities for its white settler constituents. But the plan was almost universally loathed by black Africans. Nevertheless, economics and politics prevailed, and the federation came into being despite the efforts of the NRANC.
As part of his duties during that time and afterward, Kenneth Kaunda would travel from place to place with other leaders to speak to the people about political issues. The image of Kaunda riding a bicycle with a guitar strapped to his back became well known. At a village, he would entertain and encourage the people with songs of freedom, protest, and hope, then he and other leaders would speak to the people about the issues. In time, as the gatherings grew, the Mutembo brothers found them and joined them, and, before long Mpundi, if not Arnold too, would accompany the leaders on stage. “That is me” Mpundi would say in later years, pointing to a young man in a photograph, with both hands extended toward Kaunda. “Since I was a youth” he continued, “ I was usually the first one on stage before Kaunda and others came to speak. I would explain to the people how bad the colonial government was and the reason for the struggle.”
They were stimulating days, as people discovered a new unity with others across tribal lines, as sufferings shared were divided and hopes shared were multiplied. They’d listen to the speakers about home rule, self government, a black majority in the legislature, and independence.
And they’d talk about government and what it could be and what it should be. And they’d talk about independence movements in other countries; how Ghandi a few years ago had led India to independence from Britain along a path of nonviolence, and how Ghana, following a similar path, was about to become independent. They talked about the Algerians going to war against their French colonial masters in the North and the MauMau in Kenya against Britain, and say to one another, “after all the United States went to war against Britain for their independence.”
Britain’s successful imposition of the Central African Federation had complicated things. While all the people favored a greater voice in their government, some thought independence from Britain as a part of the larger CAF was the most reasonably achievable goal, others advocated for complete independence from both. And, whereas everyone acknowledged the virtues of nonviolence, some were less patient than others. Towards the end of 1958, opinions on goals and methods were settling into clear factions, and the decision was made to split the movement and to form a new political party committed to full independence along nonviolent means.
The new party’s first meeting was held on October 24, 1958. In the course of discussions, when the name for the new country came up, many of the people in the room assumed the name would be “Zambesia”. But then, in the recollection of Mpundi in an interview years later, “then the name “Zambia” came up. And when we heard the name Zambia, we started dancing around like little children chanting Zambia Zambia Zambia.” And so came the name of a new country. Kenneth Kaunda was elected president of the new political party which they named the Zambian African National Congress, Z.A.N.C., Zanc! And Mpundi, they called Zanco, there, for the first time, after the name of the party, and the name of his country, Zambia.
Chapter 8
The party acted quickly issuing a statement of purpose. We are “not against Europeans”, it read, “but against systems which make men unable to realize their best selves.” It further urged the people not to engage in “petty quibbles with political parties”, but to use their judgment “and join the party which they feel is the answer.” Their stated motto was “Ut Unum Omnes Sint”, that they all may be one. The goal of the party was independence in unity.
The immediate goal of the party was to organize a boycott to the upcoming elections. The politics were tricky and required careful explanation, which ZANC did masterfully in a widely distributed letter of appeal which began, “This is the voice of Freedom talking to you”.
The letter explained that the complicated arithmetic of the proposed constitution made it all but impossible for a black African majority to win a deciding vote in the new Congress through the election.
The letter further explained that the big issue the new Congress would decide would be Dominion status for the Central African Federation of which they had been made a part since 1954 and which none of them liked.
The letter also explained that Dominion status meant that the CAF would become like South Africa, autonomous, essentially independent from Britain, meaning a white settler majority could get their way virtually unobstructed by the black African population and no longer restrained by the British Crown.
The letter concluded with this argument: “Do we loose anything if we boycott the elections and have nothing to do with the Legislative Council? NO, we gain a million fold! 1) there can never be a legislature in which no African sits, consequently no laws will be made. The Governor will use his prerogative powers but only for a very short time. 2) The Colonial Secretary will be forced to come here for on-spot talks and we will merely throw to him our demands for FREEDOM! FREEDOM NOW! If he refused to accept our proposals we too shall refuse to sit in the Legislative Council.”
The letter of appeal was effective. Until this time, the colonial government had been dismissive of the issue of black majority rule for Northern Rhodesia being more occupied with Cold War geopolitical positioning and exploitation of the rich Copper Mines. But this ZANC was too much. The response was rapid and harsh. By March 1959, the new party was outlawed and Kaunda imprisoned along with others.
Despite the boycott, the election proceeded and the government ground forward as anticipated and Kaunda was imprisoned for nine months and with him the hopes of a nation waited expectantly. In the mean time, a new party was formed in the place of ZANC, called UNIP, United National Independence Party. Christmas 1959 came and Christmas passed and then, in January, Kaunda was released from prison and assumed leadership of the UNIP. It was the beginning of the 1960s.
Chapter 9 The Wind of Change
In January 1960, Harold MacMillan was beginning his 4th year as the Prime Minister of Great Britain. He was 65 years old, at the pinnacle of political power, and feeling increasingly the crippling effects of wounds he had received both in ww1 and ww2; not unlike his country. He had become the Prime Minister upon the resignation of his predecessor over a crises in Africa, the Suez Canal crises as it had become known, an event which highlighted surging nationalism in Africa, the ascendancy of the United States in world affairs and the diminishment of the British Empire.
From this perch, he prepared a speech to be given in Africa in early 1960 and which would be ever after known as the “Wind of Change” speech for the metaphor he selected to illustrate the greater-than-empire momentum towards independence in Africa, and the pragmatism for Britain to recognize these changes.
Many in government, long invested in the continuance of the system, felt betrayed by the speech and there was much consternation; but few doubted the truth of the speech and most realized a change was coming. Among those seeking independence, there was elation.
In February 1960, in the United States, 4 African-American university students sat down in the so-labeled “Whites Only” section at a cafeteria in Greensboro North Carolina. They were refused service, but they also, in turn, refused to leave. The next day they were joined by more students. And a young black preacher named Martin Luther King Jr spoke to the world on their behalf urging similar non-violent acts of resistance, and, by the end of 1960, 50,000 people were engaged in peaceful “sit-ins” across that country.
Also the same year, a young senator from Massachusetts named John F. Kennedy, announced his candidacy for the presidency of the United States. That Summer, at a special Luncheon in honor of the African Diplomatic Corps, speaking on the theme “America and Africa”, he said, “We the people of the oldest nation ever founded on revolt from colonial rule welcome the nations of Africa — our newest partners in man’s centuries-old struggle for individual freedom, national independence and human dignity.” Thus JFK, as an older brother reaching out his hand to help his siblings climb higher, reached out his hand of encouragement to African nations in their emergence into independence.
That year, Kennedy was elected President of the United States. Kenneth Kaunda was released from prison early in the year and traveled to the United States to meet with Martin Luther King Jr to discuss the power of peaceful protests against oppression. At the end of that same year, Kaunda was invited to London for high level meetings about the future of the Central African Federation and its comprising constituencies.
Historians would look back on 1960 and call it “the Year of Africa.” Indeed, there was a wind of change.
Chapter 10 Cha-Cha-Cha
The meetings in London were Britain’s acknowledgment of the need for black African power in their own government. To that end, they proposed a constitutional revision which would provide a genuine path to a black African legislative majority in Northern Rhodesia. But when the revision was vigorously opposed by Federation proponents out of fear that Northern Rhodesia would secede from the Federation if given the chance, the British government capitulated, the Federation got its way, and the status quo remained. There would be no change.
In Northern Rhodesia, frustration deepened and fears grew that Britain, as it had done in South Africa, would abandon millions of Black Africans to a permanent white settler rule and the possibility of apartheid. The independence movement was growing restless and the danger rising that if real progress was not seen soon, new leaders promoting a violent revolution might arise and gain control. and so an action plan was developed and introduced at the annual conference in July 1961.
Speaking to the thousands at the convention, Kenneth Kaunda said, “I have always asked you to be PATIENT, NON-VIOLENT IN THOUGHT, WORD and DEED. I am removing one of the noble words from my vocabulary and it is PATIENCE. . . . What is important is, although I remove PATIENCE … we shall remain strictly non-violent in thought, word and deed”.
Then he announced a Master Plan, a plan of peaceful civil disobedience, a plan designed to make Britain “face the music”, of the necessity for self-governance. The plan was called the Cha-Cha-Cha after a world renowned song and dance step of the day. Said Kaunda, ‘Cha-cha-cha means real dancing. Europeans will take part along with Africans.’ ‘Young children and those unborn will join in the dance,’ he said. ‘Hens, dogs and all our domestic beasts will join in. Yes, even the Queen will also dance Cha-cha-cha. Cha-cha-cha is for all.’ The Cha-Cha-Cha became a metaphor for unity and unstoppable momentum—the whole community moving together, refusing to be silenced.
The plan was designed to demonstrate to Britain, the rejection of their governance by making northern Rhodesia ungovernable. The plan was designed to unfold in three stages, First, the burning of official government documents such as citizenship papers and marriage licenses rejecting British authority to grant licenses, Second, the wrecking of governmental buildings, rejecting British institutions. Third, the destruction of roads and bridges rejecting even the very infrastructure supplied by Britain, the message being, ‘we will build our own.’
To the people, Kaunda said, “There will be many arrests, many trials, many imprisonments and many appeals. Try to obtain bail on your own recognizance; but if a sum of money is demanded it is no use looking to the Party for help. Just sit in custody. There will probably be thousands like you.”
And so began the Cha-Cha-Cha, a rebellion against British rule, with violence restricted to items largely symbolic in nature. But in the passions evoked, there were occasions of violence against persons, and people died. Tribal chiefs, sympathetic whites, and the black African governmental employees were often caught in the middle. Several months into the uprising, Kenneth Kaunda, traveling in one of the worst affected areas, was surrounded by the people trying to hold back the police, when he spoke to the people saying “let me speak to the police”, and when they came near he said, “You, Messengers and policemen, do not threaten your brothers and sisters. When we get our freedom, we are not going to dismiss you from your jobs. We shall be leaders only because we are elected. So please do not threaten my people. … if you adopt cleaner methods, I shall be able to adopt mild ways of gaining independence without the shedding of blood. Then we shall lead people to peace, stability, unity and understanding.’ “
It was during this time, that Arnold, Zanco’s brother was killed in the North, and Zanco climbed the tree and spoke to the people.
Chapter 11
It was still morning when Zanco climbed down from his tree into the circle of guns pointed by faceless uniforms, into a larger circle of people watching, some faces nearer clearer others further obscurer, all waiting, each wondering, many fearing, many hoping.
He was taken to the jail and then brought before the magistrate. “This one was disturbing the peace”, the accusing prosecutor for the government began. Said Zanco, “Peace, you call it, when men’s mouths are shackled, when men’s minds are under lock and key when neighbors are silent and unprotesting for fear. That is your peace which you say was broken. Your peace is turmoil, your peace fills minds with trouble and families with turmoil, this is your peace, it’s peace for you but it’s not peace. You have broken the peace. Ha!” Fear is your peace! Your peace is people in fear!
“And not only breaking the peace,” the accusing attorney continued, but for fighting. He was seen punching a white man.” With this charge, the courtroom became very quiet. “Is this true”, said the judge carefully, for on this charge a life could hang in the balance.
Zanco, who had seen men executed for defying a white man, nodded, “yes”. Perhaps having expected a denial, and perhaps looking for a way out for the man before him, the judge, after a lengthy pause, said, “Show me how you punched the man”, and Zanco walked straight across the courtroom floor to the accusing attorney and said, “like this, your Honor”, and punched the man’s face and stood over him while the prosecutor scrambled on the floor with a bloody nose. Shocked, but perhaps chuckling a little inside, for he himself had come to recognize the injustice of the system, but was afraid to speak against it, and felt powerless to make a difference, found themselves trapped in a system far bigger than themselves, nevertheless, he sentenced him to 10 years and hard labor in the notoriously horrid jail, justifying it before his conscience as better than hanging. And there the mighty man languished, expending his strength breaking rocks for colonial roads and his days in service to the system.
The Cha-Cha-Cha lasted officially from July 15 until October 31, 1961 when the British Government signaled that it had accepted that Northern Rhodesia should move to majority rule and thereafter to independence. The path to self-government was now clear although the land remained for the present under British law and Confederation government.
In 1962, elections were held based upon a revised constitution, and to no one’s surprise, a black African legislative majority and it was clear that a independence was just a matter of logistics away.
Zanco meanwhile remained in prison under British law and British government. Kenneth Kaunda, now in political office, visited Zanco in the high security prison and, when he saw him, all the sufferings of his people seemed embodied right there in this imprisoned man, and Zanco looked up to KK, for that is what they called him, the same loyalty in his eyes as was there from the beginning, when he was first on stage with him, and the face was the same as his brother Arnold who had died in their movement, and Kaunda wept and embraced the imprisoned. How can this be? How, can, This, Be? And he entreated the governor who knew the change was coming and the governor moved Zanco to another prison with lighter duty.
By the end of 1963, the dissolution of the Central African Federation had been decided and an independence date for Zambia determined. And Christmas came and went, and then it was time for New Years, and independence was set for Zambia for 1964. The British Governor, making preparations for the transfer of sovereignty, sent to Kaunda asking for a symbol of the new country. “Symbolism is important for a nation, you should know. After all, we have the queen, and the crown, and the flag, and Britain has ruled much of the world for longer than either of us have been alive. The, “empire upon which the sun never sets”, and all that, you know. Symbolism is important, something to inspire the people, something to unite the people, something to give them the feeling that they belong to something bigger than themselves, you know what I’m saying old man? I suggest you choose one of the natural beauties of your country, something like Victoria Falls or something. You get it, old man, don’t you?” Kenneth Kaunda nodded.
Kaunda sent message to the man who loved him, whom he embraced and wept upon, “Be strong Zanco, for now you must die for your country.” The message was delivered to Zanco in his cell and with the message came the shackles, and he was shackled and led into another room where stood 18 soldiers with rifles at the ready, and a photographer and it was said to him, “You have a choice. You want freedom but you have these shackles. You must break these shackles and be free; or you will be shot right now.” And the soldiers stood, at the ready, with their guns, in the silence. And, incredulous at first, but then angry, then determined, Zanco pulled, and he pulled and he fought and he wrestled and he turned and pulled, and the chains fell asunder. And all around stood in astonishment, and the door opened and Kaunda entered glowing as the sunrise, “You, my dearest! You, are the symbol of our nation!”
Chapter 12
The human being is the center of all our striving. The first president of Zambia, President Kaunda, said, “What we loosely call ‘independence,’ ‘freedom’, ‘uhuru’, etcetera, will be meaningless, unless, MAN is put first, so that, in fact, he does not just become a meaningless cog in the wheel, but an important keystone, on which, development hinges.” He continued, “If I over-emphasize the importance of MAN, it is because I fear young countries are in danger of repeating the mistakes of older countries, both of the East and the West, where material development has been so large, that plans to advance, more and more, have become more important than, MAN, for whom, these plans, after all, are made.”
Ten years later, in the celebration of 10 years of independence, the image of Mutembo striving against the shackles and breaking free from restraints was immortalized in a massive sculpture and placed in the heart of the capital. Might not this be the most important work of art in all the world?
In the morning, the golden light of dawn warming its leaves, Zanco’s tree, remembering as yesterday the man crying upon its branches, holding him for as long as he wished, watched, as workers gathered on Cairo Road, and, throughout the day, as they dug deep and placed a foundation, and as they erected a podium, and placed words upon it, and as they placed the 12 foot tall image of a man, a familiar man, twice the size of an unawakened man, on top of it.
And a ribbon was cut, and people spoke, and a season went, and people walked by the statue, and seasons came, and some stopped to read the words upon it; and one said, “Did that really happen?” And the tree, gnarled and weathered, whose roots had broken through stone to reach the water below, whose trunk had broken through stone to reach the sky above, whose branches even now reached forth in the sunlight providing support to whosoever will, seemed to tilt ever so slightly towards the voice, and to pause, as if to smile and say, “it happens all the time.”
As if to punctuate that moment, a minute crack emerged in the pavement as a living root below, swelling in unstoppable life, made room.
Epilogue
The piece of art may be seen in the courtyard on Cairo Road in Lusaka as well as on many of the banknotes of Zambia and also the website of Joseph Butler, the sculpturer.